King Prajadhipok’s Institute Journal

Woman and Development:

2024-12-18T08:40:10+07:00

Women in Thai society play a significant role in national development across all dimensions, whether as mothers, wives, or leaders in politics, society, and the economy. These roles have been attained through persistent efforts and systemic advocacy from the past to the present. This article explores the roles and significance of women in Thailand’s social and economic development, highlighting changes brought about by policies and laws that support women’s advancement. It focuses on the driving forces behind women's empowerment, including global development frameworks, state policies, and initiatives from various organizations- all of which have contributed to enhancing women’s roles and visibility in society.

The discussion is presented through four historical periods: the Post-Siam Revolution Era (1932–1974), the Post-International Women’s Year Era (1976–1996), the Post-1997 Constitution Era (1997–2014), and the Sustainable Development Era (SDGs) (2015–present). Each period marks progressive changes in women's roles in political, economic, and social development. This study analyzes these transformations through the lens of women and development theories.

Despite policy reforms promoting rights and equality, many women in Thai society continue to face individual and structural barriers that limit their full potential. Therefore, sustained efforts are essential to further empower women in both social and political spheres.

Comparative Study on School Dropout and Its Consequences between Montserrado County, Liberia, and Thailand’s Southern Border Provinces

2025-06-23T16:04:00+07:00

This study aims to comparatively examine the issue of school dropout and its impacts among lower secondary school students in Montserrado County, Liberia, and Thailand’s three southern border provinces. The research in Liberia employed a qualitative methodology, utilizing in-depth field interviews conducted exclusively within the country. Findings from the Liberian context reveal that prolonged and protracted armed conflict is a principal factor contributing to students' disengagement from the education system. Such disengagement has subsequently led to intergenerational poverty, as many parents, having been deprived of formal education themselves, are unable to secure stable employment or support their children's continued schooling. In contrast, the situation in Thailand’s southern border provinces was analyzed through a review of relevant literature. The findings indicate striking parallels with the Liberian case. Ongoing unrest in the region has likewise generated significant socio-economic hardship, perpetuated intergenerational poverty, and contributed to high rates of school dropout. The study offers several policy recommendations aimed at sustainably improving educational outcomes in both Montserrado County and Thailand’s three southern border provinces. These include: (1) providing financial assistance to socioeconomically vulnerable families, (2) implementing community-based awareness campaigns to elevate the perceived value of education, (3) improving school infrastructure to enhance accessibility and learning environments, and (4) formulating inclusive, equitable, and context-sensitive education policies that reflect the lived realities and specific needs of each locality.

Amnesty for Thai Protesters in Civil Conflict:

2025-06-06T15:29:26+07:00

Due to past political conflicts and the widespread illegal actions taken by protestors, various political parties and civil society groups have sought to propose an Amnesty Bill for parliamentary consideration. The underlying expectation is that the legislative’s role in advancing amnesty legislation could contribute to resolving both past and potential future political conflicts.

In this context, this study employs secondary data and applies qualitative content analysis to parliamentary debate transcripts directly related to the promotion of amnesty legislation. The research findings indicate that the statements made by Members of Parliament (MPs) regarding the Amnesty Bill reflect six core conceptual framings: (1) references to past legal precedents to affirm the feasibility of enacting an amnesty law; (2) construction of a social narrative framing protest actions as legitimate political expression in accordance with democratic principles, rather than as criminal offenses; (3) criticism of previous administrations and the judicial system, depicting them as authoritarian regimes whose actions triggered the protests; (4) invocation of potential future conflict to justify preventive legislation; (5) promotion of amnesty as a means of forgiveness and societal reconciliation; and (6) alignment of amnesty discourse with international human rights norms.

These findings suggest that the push for amnesty may not be entirely motivated by a genuine commitment to societal forgiveness for past transgressions. Rather, it may serve as a strategic effort to reinforce political party bases. Consequently, there is a pressing need to reassess the attitudes and positions of legislators and stakeholders within the geopolitical context of this conflict. Efforts must be made to foster understanding, overcome political biases, and promote tolerance toward opposing political stances. Only under these conditions can the Amnesty Bill for protesters meaningfully contribute to building a more reconciled and harmonious Thai society.

Politics and Voting Behavior in the 2023 Thai General Election:

2025-06-24T12:54:29+07:00

This research employs a qualitative approach to explore the political activities, electoral behavior, and the roles of various political actors during the 2023 general election in Roi Et Province. Data were collected before, during, and after the election using multiple methods, including field observations, interviews, focus group discussions, and post-election voter opinion surveys.

The findings reveal that the degree of electoral competition and the intensity of political activities varied significantly across constituencies. This variation was shaped by factors such as the number and distribution of prominent candidates, recent constituency boundary changes, and the influence of local political networks. In terms of campaign strategies, most candidates employed a hybrid approach that integrated traditional methods with modern technology. While the importance of vote-canvassing networks has declined, social media has become an essential platform for political parties and candidates to engage with voters. Electoral results show that the Pheu Thai Party suffered its most substantial loss of constituency seats since 2001. The Move Forward Party, despite being relatively new, gained a significant share of constituency votes and ranked second in party-list votes, following the Pheu Thai Party. These shifts indicate a transformation in the structure of local political support. The findings indicate that voting behavior is closely linked to economic development levels, access to technology, electoral literacy, and understanding of national regulatory changes. These factors have significantly shaped local political dynamics, marking a shift from the historical dominance of the "Red Shirt" movement and the Pheu Thai Party toward a more fragmented and competitive political landscape, in which no single party commands overwhelming public support. Theoretically, the research underscores the importance of integrating analyses of the electoral system, political technology, and local political capital to understand evolving patterns of voter behavior. Policy recommendations include strengthening the role of election inspectors, promoting public and network-based engagement, and improving mechanisms for efficient electoral oversight.

The 2024 Selection of Senators:

2025-02-07T10:11:50+07:00

The Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E. 2560 aims to create a new generation of senators who represent various career groups, act as coordinators among these groups and social classes, maintain political neutrality, and avoid affiliation with any political party. To achieve these goals, the Constitution revised relevant legal provisions by lowering candidate qualifications and changing the selection method—allowing candidates to elect senators from among themselves. However, it did not revise the roles of senators in legislative review, government oversight, or the approval of high-ranking officials in independent bodies, the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Administrative Court, and other entities as prescribed by law.

As a result, the qualifications of some senators selected in 2024 do not align with their duties and responsibilities in the position. Furthermore, the Election Commission's failure to effectively prevent and suppress violations of the senatorial selection law has allowed a political party to manipulate the process by hiring local individuals to register as candidates who would, in turn, vote for the party's nominees. Through such manipulation, the political party secured three-fourths of the Senate seats and is now effectively gaining full control of the chamber.

An AAnalysis of the Thai Government System:

2025-04-28T12:32:36+07:00

This article analyzes the Thai government system under the context of globalization, emphasizing the relationship between capital and the state, and its impact on the political structure, economy, and quality of democracy in the country. This study examines key concepts of monopoly capital, crony capitalism, and the patronage system in Thai society. The centralization of political power and the absence of effective oversight mechanisms have enabled capital groups to infiltrate and influence the government’s decision-making processes. This results in the allocation of resources that favor specific groups, lack transparency, and contribute to economic and social inequality.

The intervention of capital groups manifests across multiple dimensions, including in the legislative, executive, independent organizations, and state enterprises. These interventions occur through mechanisms such as political donations, support for political parties, the appointment of individuals with close ties to capital into key positions, and the manipulation of legal frameworks for private benefit. In addition, foreign capital groups play an important role in shaping national policy through investment, lobbying, free trade agreements, and control of information. This influence contributes to the erosion of Thai state sovereignty and undermines the government’s ability to govern in accordance with the will of the people.

Addressing these structural challenges requires comprehensive reform. Legal and administrative reforms must be accompanied by a transformation in political culture-emphasizing decentralization, promoting transparency, creating inclusive spaces for public participation in policy decision-making, and empowering civil society and independent media. Furthermore, reforming the civil service to uphold professional standards, reduce political interference and conflicts of interest, and foster public awareness of citizens’ rights and responsibilities under a democratic regime will be essential. These efforts can help restore public trust and establish a sustainable and democratic political system.

Legal Issues in Determining Compensation under the Expropriation and Acquisition of Immovable Property Act, B.E. 2562 (2019)

2025-06-06T15:26:22+07:00

This article aims to analyze legal issues concerning the appropriateness of the authority to determine compensation under the Expropriation and Acquisition of Immovable Property Act B.E.2562 (2019). The focus is on the dual mechanisms provided by the Act: compensation may be determined either by a committee under section 19 or directly prescribed in an expropriation act under section 29, paragraph two. This dual mechanism raises concerns regarding the principles of checks and balances, as well as the clarity of remedies available to affected property owners.

Compensation determined by the committee under the 2019 Act is considered as an administrative action, subject to judicial review by the Administrative Court and appealable through administrative procedures. In contrast, compensation prescribed directly within an expropriation act constitutes a legislative act, which is not subject to administrative review. This legal distinction creates inequality in the protection of citizens’ rights.

Moreover, the article highlights practical concerns such as the lack of standardized discretion, procedural redundancies, and delays in the expropriation process. These issues contradict constitutional principles related to the right to property and the rule of law.

The author proposes legal reform, particularly the repeal or revision of the mechanism requiring the enactment of a separate expropriation act in cases where property owners refuse to sell. It is recommended that the authority to determine compensation be vested exclusively in the committee, whose decisions would remain subject to transparent and judicially reviewable procedures. Additionally, enhancing public participation by including citizen representatives on the committee is proposed to promote fairness, transparency, and the protection of individual rights in accordance with the rule of law.