King Prajadhipok’s Institute Journal

Preliminary Review of Patani Political Activists and Public Policy Advocacy for Resolving Unrest in the Three Southern Border Provinces of Thailand

Supaphan Tangtrongpairoj, Nithis ์Thammasaengadipha — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

The weapons-stealing incident in Narathiwat in January 2004 occurred two decades ago. Since then, successive governments have implemented policies aimed at addressing the issue comprehensively, covering dimensions of security, politics, economics, and social development. Nonetheless, unrest from dissenters persists, though its intensity has lessened, particularly when compared to the first decade following the incident. This reduction in intensity does not signify the absence of unrest, as sporadic attacks on security agencies continue. Dissenting groups, however, consist of both armed factions and politically driven organizations, each advocating for their respective interests and ideological demands. This paper focuses on the latter—political activist groups—and provides a preliminary survey of the approaches and roles of four Patani political activist groups in promoting public policies to address unrest in the three southern border provinces. The paper particularly examines these groups' efforts to bring provincial issues to the attention of policymakers and their attempts to establish a political presence that positions them as agenda setters within a democratic framework. The study finds that the four Patani political activist groups share similar origins, approaches, and activities, united by a common goal of contributing to the resolution of unrest in their area. However, they have not yet succeeded in advancing their issues onto the policy agenda as recognized agenda setters.

Radical Democracy

Phuriphat Kruanopparatana — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

Syriza is a left-wing populist party from Greece. One of its main policies is addressing the "precarity of the people's lives," which has resulted from the neoliberal economic regime, by radicalizing democracy. However, this article will explore whether Syriza's explanations and proposals for solving this problem will lead to a solution or a dead end for the issue of precarity or precariousness. It finds that there have been several studies on precarity in Greece, and these studies define precarity differently, focusing on social precarity and precarious employment. Finally, the article will discuss whether the integration of small-scale employers and employees under the concept of "the people" will act as an empowering force or become an obstacle to overcoming the precarious employment system. At the same time, progressive parties in Thailand that strive to solve political and economic problems face challenges related to precarity and precarious employment, as noted in this paper, which they need to overcome.

Political Movements and Electoral Behavior in Bangkok: An Analysis of Thailand’s 2023 General Election

Pitch Pongsawat — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

This article presents the main findings of the research titled “Political Movements and Electoral Behavior in Bangkok: An Analysis of Thailand’s 2023 General Election,” commissioned by the King Prajadhipok Institute. The research has four objectives: 1) to collect and analyze data on the political movements and electoral behavior of political parties and candidates involved in the 2023 general election in the Bangkok area; 2) to collect and analyze data on voters' political participation, expression, and engagement across various channels, as well as the political behaviors influencing their electoral decisions; 3) to collect and analyze data on the roles of other political actors involved in the 2023 general election in Bangkok, such as the Election Commission of Thailand, non-governmental organizations, civil society, and the media; 4) to study the patterns and influences of online media on electoral behavior and election outcomes. The research was conducted using a combination of documentary research, statistical data collection and analysis, and interviews with various stakeholders, including party representatives, candidates, media personnel, officials from the Election Commission of Thailand, canvassers, and experts.

The study yielded four main findings:
1. There was a change in the political movement and behavior of political parties and candidates in the 2023 Bangkok general election compared to the previous 2019 election. A voting system similar to the two-ballot system established by the 1997 constitution was reintroduced, and the voting constituency map for Bangkok was redrawn from 33 to 30 units. Additionally, the political dynamism since the 2019 election contributed to changes in the political movement and behavior of political parties and candidates in the 2023 Bangkok general election. Specifically, the changes in political movement and behavior were influenced by several factors: the second administration of General Prayut Chan-o-cha, which derived its legitimacy from the Palang Pracharat Party's electoral victory in the 2019 general election; the dissolution of the popular Future Forward Party; the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic; the rise of youth political movements; and the landslide victory of Chatchart Sittiphan, who ran as an independent candidate in the 2022 Bangkok governor election.
In the 2023 general election in Bangkok, the Move Forward Party, which was established following the dissolution of the Future Forward Party in 2020, achieved a landslide victory in both the Party List and popular votes. For the constituency vote, the Move Forward Party won 32 seats, while the Pheu Thai Party secured 1 seat. The Palang Pracharat Party, the winner of the 2019 Bangkok general election, received no seats in Bangkok.
2. There is a 73.90% turnout rate for the 2023 general election in Bangkok, compared to a 72.51% turnout rate in 2019. This increase signifies the rising political awareness of Bangkok’s population in connection with the popularity of the so-called “natural online canvassers.” Moreover, this rising political awareness of Bangkok's population has also arisen from an increase in political conflict since 2019, as the party that formed the government coalition after the previous election did not win the majority of votes in Bangkok. The results of the 2023 general election in Bangkok reveal a drastic decline in the vote share of all the parties that were part of the incumbent government.
3. Other actors who played significant roles in the 2023 general election in Bangkok include the Bangkok field office of the Election Commission of Thailand, civil society, and the media. The Bangkok field office of the Election Commission regulated and managed the election. Civil society and the media increasingly took on roles in reporting, monitoring, and hosting both online and offline debates. The role of traditional local canvassers in the community has declined due to changes in urban life in Bangkok and the growing presence of online social media.

4. Mainstream and online media played a significant role during the election. The main differences between the previous Bangkok national election in 2019 and the 2022 election are people’s interest in online and offline debates, as well as the popularity of TikTok during election campaigns. The Move Forward Party skillfully utilized and benefited from this new online community and technology. TikTok has a unique algorithm that differs from those of other social media platforms. This algorithm allows different ideas to cross the walls of echo chambers more easily. This ease of crossing the echo chamber walls led to the emergence of a new group of organic online canvassers who could share a larger volume of campaign messages compared to older forms of social media, such as Facebook and Line.

The Impact of the Two-Ballot System on Political Parties in Ubon Ratchathani Province

Pratueang Moung-On — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

The imposition of the constituency ballot paper and party list ballot paper significantly had negative impacts on Pheu Thai Party and the positive ones on Move Forward Party. Meanwhile, other political parties such as United Thai Nation, Thai Sang Thai, Bhumjaithai, Democrat and Pheu Thai Ruampalang were not popular among the people in Ubon Ratchathani.

According to the statistical analysis of the election result, the liberal and pro-democracy pole includes the key parties of Pheu Thai (411,293 votes), Move Forward (320,831 votes), Pheu Thai Ruampalang (14,029 votes) and Thai Sang Thai (32,770 votes). In conclusion, in the party list ballot papers of Ubon Ratchathani, they received 778,869 which is 73% of the eligible voters who came to vote. (When the number of party list votes are calculated, Pheu Thai Party had 38%, Move Forward Party had 30% and in combination it is 68%.)

On the conservative side, the key parties include United Thai Nation Party (64,628 votes), Bhumjaithai Party (27,890 votes), Democrat Party (23,087 votes) and Palang Pracharath (9,397 votes). In conclusion, the total number of the votes on the party list ballot paper in Ubon Ratchathani is 125,002 votes which 12% of the eligible voters who came to vote.

With regards to negative aspects to Pheu Thai Party, the votes from its political bastion were taken over by Move Forward Party in the party list ballot paper. In this national election, most eligible voters in Ubon Ratchathani voted for Pheu Thai Party which is 38%. Move Forward Party ranked the second with the votes of 30%. The gap between the second and third is quite big. United Thai Nation Party received only 6% in the party list ballot paper. Although three candidates from Bhumjaithai Party were elected as an MP, the party only received 3% of the votes on the party list ballot paper. It is obvious that the voters do not have to vote for the party and the candidates in the same direction. This would facilitate vote-buying among the underdog political parties. The candidates emphasised that they would work for the people if they were elected. For the party list ballot paper, the voters could vote for whatever party they want. The result of National Election on 24 March 2019 with only single ballot paper illustrated that Pheu Thai Party had the highest number of MPs which was seven. Democrat Party had two and Palang Pracharath had one. In comparison with the National Election in 2011, Pheu Thai Party had seven MPs from the total number of eleven. Democrat Party had three and Chart Thai Pattana Party had one. (This has not included the result of the National Election in 2014 which was ruled as void by the Constitution Court)

Considering the positive aspects of Move Forward Party, although it had weaknesses in terms of the individual popularity of the candidates, it spent less time with the community compared with its opponents, it did not buy votes and was as a result defeated in the constituency, the eligible voters did vote for Move Forward Party in the party list ballot paper. Consequently, it ranks the second, after Pheu Thai Party for party listpolra.

The Problem of the Duties of the Committee Investigating Facts under the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2017

Pornson Liengboonlertchai — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

Due to the promulgation of the current Constitution, which includes provisions regarding the powers and duties of parliamentary committees that differ from those in the previous 2007 Constitution, there may be an impact on the effective performance of the legislative function. This research explores the investigative duties of committees under the structure of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand 2017 through the framework of comparative constitutional law, focusing on the committee systems in the United States and Thailand.

The research findings indicate that parliamentary committees face several problems, including overlapping roles, unclear authority in fact-finding duties, a lack of enforcement power to summon individuals for testimony or to require the submission of documents, and issues related to Article 129 of the Constitution, which imposes constraints on the committees' duties and affects the enforcement of the constitutional provisions outlined in Article 77. Therefore, Thailand needs to address these issues promptly by amending the Constitution, enacting new laws, and revising parliamentary rules based on the experiences of the United States to enhance the efficiency of parliamentary committees' performance.

An Evaluation of Public Participation in Developing the Primary Health System by Sub-district Health Promotion Hospitals Transferred to Provincial Administrative Organizations

๊Udom Tumkosit, Prayong Temchawala, Surachai Phromphan — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

The development of a primary health care system managed by Subdistrict Health Promoting Hospitals (SHPHs) relies on the capacity for effective health self-management. Achieving this objective requires strong cooperation between SHPHs and local residents. This study aims to evaluate public attitudes toward the primary health care system managed by SHPHs, following its transfer from the Ministry of Public Health (MoPH) to Provincial Administrative Organizations (PAO) in the 2023 fiscal year. A mixed-method research methodology was employed, incorporating group interviews and discussions, involving 32 SHPHs with 55 participants each, totaling 1,744 individuals.

The research findings indicate that: (1) Following the transfer, the majority of the public perceived an improvement in SHPH service activities, particularly in terms of accessibility, equity, and service satisfaction. (2) Trust in SHPH services was high. (3) Positive attitudes were observed regarding public participation in health care for individuals, families, and communities. These results suggest that if the government robustly supports the primary health care system in alignment with the established strategy, it is highly likely to foster public cooperation in achieving self-care health goals.

Integration into the Policy Agenda and Delivery of Emergency Medical Services by the Songkhla Provincial Emergency Call and Dispatch Center

Patipan Sreepon — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

This research article aims to examine the background of the inclusion of the Emergency Medical Service Policy Agenda, focusing on a case study of the Medical Emergency Call and Dispatch Center in Songkhla Province. The study employs qualitative research methods, including in-depth interviews and documentary analysis, and utilizes John Kingdon's theoretical framework for analysis. Content analysis was conducted as part of the data analysis, and narrative synthesis was used to present the findings. The results of the study were as follows: Problem Streams include social issues within Songkhla Province, challenges and obstacles during operational activities, personnel transfers and resignations, budget constraints, and the use of technology in operations. Political Streams encompass support from the national emergency medical institution, local government policies, backing from local entrepreneurs, and inter-group relationships among decision-makers in Songkhla Province. Policy Streams involve legal authority, support from the national emergency medical institution, and aspects of public administration. When these various issues converge within a supportive environment, they lead to the approval of transferring emergency medical responsibilities to the Songkhla Provincial Administration Organization. This decision was formalized with the establishment of the emergency medical organization in Songkhla Province in the year 2559 B.E. (2016 C.E.), alongside the founding of the center at the designated Songkhla Provincial Administration Organization location. It is recommended that: 1) the policy trends informing the policy agenda be developed into a practical manual to facilitate the transfer of emergency medical services to other provincial offices; 2) the emergency medical services policy be integrated into local development plans; and 3) during the initial stages prior to the transfer, a politically sensitive approach should be adopted to engage and build trust among stakeholders, fostering understanding and support for the transition of emergency medical responsibilities from the Provincial Public Health Office to the Songkhla Provincial Administrative Organization.

Songthaew Service Patterns in Areas Surrounding Rail Transit Stations in Bangkok and Its Vicinity

Bandhita Pandhawuttiyanon, Peamsook Sanit — Thu, 16 Jan 2025 00:00:00 +0700

Songthaew is a form of paratransit service that functions as a feeder mode. It plays a significant role in overcoming transportation limitations by providing small vehicles that can access narrow alleys and facilitate the transfer of passengers to the mass transit system. In addition, Songthaew is recognized as an informal transportation option, characterized by greater flexibility and adaptability to varying conditions and changes compared to fixed-route mass transit systems.

This study aims to survey and analyze Songthaew service patterns and adaptations in the areas surrounding rail stations in Bangkok and its vicinity. The target population consists of Songthaew service providers, including drivers, managers, and entrepreneurs, who operate within 500 meters of the rail transit stations. These stations include the BTS Light Green Line, Dark Green Line, MRT Blue Line, Purple Line, Yellow Line, SRT Red Line, and the Airport Rail Link. The sampling method employed is purposive sampling.One sample represents a single Songthaew line. The results of this study indicate that Songthaew service patterns vary depending on land use. Songthaew providers operating around low-density residential area stations tend to have longer distance routes with lower frequencies compared to those serving urban high-density and commercial area stations. Furthermore, Songthaew services have been adapted to support the rail transit system in high-density and commercial areas, primarily by offering longer distance routes.

However, the adjustment of service patterns is not significantly related to land use; rather, it is influenced by the policies of the service providers, which aim to address the issue of declining passenger numbers. For this reason, a policy to support Songthaew as a feeder mode for the rail transit system is essential for the sustainable development of the mass transit system.