De Marees and Schouten Visit the Court of King Songtham, 1628
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In January 2017, I sent a translation of Schouten’s Uytloopigh Verhael to Chris Baker, who has here added some footnotes (labelled CB) and an Appendix.
See my “A Map Depicting the Arrival of a Dutch Diplomatic Mission in Siam,” JSS 106(2018), which describes the early stages of the visit, based on Schouten’s account.
On 20 March 1602, the States-General of the Netherlands Republic formally established the VOC, giving it the right to build fortresses, enroll soldiers, negotiate treaties and engage in war-like activities.
P. Borschberg, “The Seizure of the Santo António at Patani. VOC Freebooting, the Estado da India and Peninsular Politics, 1602-1609,” JSS 90(2002), p. 60.
H. Terpstra, De Factorij der Oostindische Compagnie te Patani, Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indië, Deel 1, ’s-Gravenhage, 1938, p. 27.
In Patani, the VOC had to pay 5 percent on all exported goods, as well as 856 Spanish reals on each departing ship. See the letter written by Coen to the VOC Directors, dated 1 January 1614, in P.A. Thiele (ed.), Bouwstoffen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen Archipel, Vol I’s Gravenhage, Martinus Nijhoff, 1886, pp. 62-63.
Although both Terpstra (passim) and G.V. Smith (The Dutch in Seventeenth-Century Thailand, DeKalb: Northern Illinois University, 1977, p. 112) describe the original role of Patani as the regional VOC centre, in the standard Dutch history of the VOC, Ayutthaya is described in the year 1615 as the main office from where Nakhon Sri Thammarat was supervised (F.S. Gaastra, De geschiedenis van de VOC, Zutphen, 2002, p. 53).
Three ambassadors and twelve attendants arrived in Bantam. The Dutch reduced the mission, allowing only two ambassadors and a retinue of three to travel on. During their visit, the Siamese must have been the first Asians to use a telescope. H. Zoomers and H.J. Zuidervaart, Embassies of the King of Siam sent to his excellency Prince Maurits, arrived in The Hague on 10 September 1608: an early 17th century newsletter, reporting both the visit of the first Siamese diplomatic mission to Europe and the first documented demonstration of a telescope worldwide, Wassenaar, Louwman Collection, 2008.
The account of Cornelis Matelief in I. Commelin (comp.), Begin ende Voortgangh van de Vereenighde Nederlantse Geoctroyeerde Oost-Indische Compagnie, Amsterdam, J. Jansz. 1646, p. 139 (my translation).
Songtham also dispatched presents to King James I in London, asking him for assistance in his bid to regain control of Cambodia. However, the return present of the British monarch (reputedly gold spangles) never arrived because the British East Indiaman Tryall foundered near Western Australia. “On 24 May 1622, Trial (John Brookes) was on voyage from Plymouth to Batavia with a general cargo (hunt horns, sheathing nails, cartridges and sheet lead, 500 silver reales (coins) and a quantity of spangles for the King of Siam) and a crew of 139, when she ran aground off the now called Tryal Rocks. 93 died.” museum.wa.gov.au/maritime-archaeology-db/sites/default/files/no._278_trial_bar_1977_0.pdf. See also Jeremy N. Green, "Australia's oldest wreck: The Loss of the Trial, 1622," British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary Series 27, Oxford, 1977.
Smith, The Dutch in Seventeenth-Century Thailand, p. 18.
A goldsmith and jeweller, van Neijenrode had resided many years in Siam-controlled stations, first in 1611 and 1612 as junior merchant in Ayutthaya. In 1615 and 1616 as chief merchant in Songkhla, and from 1617-1621 he directed the VOC office in Ayutthaya, also with the rank of chief merchant.
The manuscript is kept in the Archives of Utrecht, Hilten Archives. On it is written that it was received on 14 October 1622. A somewhat abbreviated and occasionally inaccurate version was published as “Remonstrantie ende vertooninge der gelegentheyt des coninckrijcx van Sjam, mitsgaders haere handel ende wandel, ende waer de negotje meest in bestaet,” Kroniek van het Historisch Genootschap Gevestigd te Utrecht, 10, 1854, pp. 176-191. Eighteen years later, an accurate transcript was published as “Vertoog van de Gelegenheid des koningrijcks van Siam”, Kroniek van het Historisch Genootschap Gevestigd te Utrecht, 27, 1872, pp. 279-318.
The Dutch only complied once, in 1636. See Bhawan, Dutch East India Company Merchants at the Court of Ayutthaya, pp. 64-65.
Neijenrode manuscript fol. 6: “...sijn residentie... in een magnificq ende treffelyck palleijs, met mueren gesepareert, binnen seer ordentelicken geordonneert ende sonder kosten te sparen getimmert, een verwonderinge bij onse natie om te aensien.”
Van Vliet wrote in 1640 that King Naresuan had instigated the custom of creeping before the king and lying face downward, adding that foreigners were not obliged to follow this custom. C. Baker et al., Van Vliet’s Siam, Chiang Mai, Silkworm Books, 2005, p. 229.
Thai: เจ้าฟ้าเจ้าพระพุทธเจ้า.
Joost Schouten, “Memorabel verhael van den waeren oorspronck, voortganck ende nederganck van de wichtige differenten die tusschen de Nederlanders en de Japansche natie om den Chineeschen handel ontstaen zijn” [Memorable account of the true cause, development and resolution oft he important differences that developed between the Dutch and the Japanese concerning the trade with China]. See L. Blussé, “Justus Schouten en de Japanse gijzeling,” in P.H.D. Leupen et al. (eds.) Nederlandse historische bronnen, 5, 1985, pp 69-110.
“Uytloopich Verhael, in hoedaeniger wijse de missive ende geschencken van den doorluchtichsten Prince van Orangien aen den Coninck van Chiam in den jare 1628 behandicht, ende overgelevert zijn,” catalogued as ARA VOC 1098 in the Dutch National Archives in The Hague.
If this letter were to be translated accurately, the formal style with its clauses and sub-clauses, its multiple provisos and side-issues, surely would annoy a modern reader. The opening sentence in the original runs over more than one folio page. It was decided, therefore to present a readable free translation. Many of the formalities have been left out, and the cited letters appear here in much shortened form.
With the present reign, Schouten refers to Songtham, who reigned from 1610 to 12 December 1628. Songtham’s father was King Ekathotsarot (r. 1605-1610/11).
The Siamese embassy to Prince Maurice arrived in The Hague on 10 September 1608.
In the list of VOC ships there are in the 1620s two ships called Mauritius, one built in 1612, one bought in 1623. The first was 800 tons, the second much smaller, 560 tons. We may conclude that this was the ship, built in 1612 for the Chamber Amsterdam. See Dutch Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th centuries, Vol II, Outward-bound voyages from the Netherlands to Asia and the Cape (1595-1794), and, Vol III, Homeward-bound voyages from Asia and the Cape to the Netherlands (1597-1795). Den Haag: Martinus Nijhoff, 1979.
Built in 1619 for the Chamber Amsterdam, 600 tons.
On this incident, see Smith, The Dutch in Seventeenth Century Thailand, pp. 18-19; Dhiravat na Pombejra, "Port, Palace, and Profit: An Overview of Siamese Crown Trade and the European Presence in Siam in the Seventeenth Century" in Port Cities and Trade in Western Southeast Asia, Bangkok, Institute of Asian Studies, Chulalongkorn University, 1998, pp. 69-70.
This convoluted sentence is a diplomatic reminder that the Dutch had been given only part of the value of the captured cargo and that they now would appreciate a full restitution. This remained a matter of irritation for years. See Smith, The Dutch in Seventeenth Century Thailand, pp. 18-19.
The Dutch prince’s name was Frederick Henry.
A helmet, from the Spanish word, morrion.
A round shield.
Unlike the embassies in the 1680s, which entered the palace from the south, De Marees and Schouten entered at the north-east corner, probably by the Tha Khan Gate, the main entry for those working in the palace. Between this visit and the embassies in the 1680s, King Prasat Thong (r. 1629–1656) made many modifications to the palace. However, the layout in the north-east segment seems similar to that sketched by Engelbert Kaempfer in 1690 and recorded in the Description of Ayutthaya (Chris Baker, “The Grand Palace in the Description of Ayutthaya: Translation and Commentary,” JSS 101(2013), 69-112). The “two beautiful wooden enclosures” were the sala luk khun nai, later described as a “twin” building, the main working space for the senior nobles. (CB)
No other account mentions a “higher courtyard”, but the sites of the audience halls would have been raised by earth fill about the level of the annual flood. The bridge is not mentioned elsewhere. According to the Fine Arts Department, the Sanphet audience hall was surrounded by a courtyard paved in marble (Prathip, “Phraratchawong boran,” PAGE). (CB)
This building is significantly larger than the audience halls whose bases have survived. See the Appendix to this article. (CB)
From the Malay word, hasta, the length from elbow to tip of the middle finger.
Exactly the king’s headgear worn in 1685, as described by Guy Tachard (A Relation of the Voyage to Siam Performed by Six Jesuits…, London, 1688, p. 168).
In the late 17th century, the middle chat had nine layers and the side ones each seven (La Loubère, A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, London, 1793, p. 109).
Schouten accurately calls the person uttering a lengthy chant “a Brahman”, for the Brahmans played an important ceremonial role in the court. These white-robed ritual specialists had a special department at the court. The civil list in the Three Seals Law shows a “front department” (Krom Hora Na) headed by Phra Horathibodi with saktina of 3000 rai, and a “hind department” under Luang Lokathip, with saktina of 1500 rai (Kromsinlapakon, Rueang Kotmai Tra Sam Duang, 1978, p. 144). Apparently, on this occasion, the chief Brahman blessed a container with water, not unlike the well-known blessing during which Buddhist monks turn a container with water into “mantra-water” (น้ำมนต์). See Priyawat Kuanpoonpol, "Court Brahmane of Thailand and the Celebration of the Thai New Year", Indo-Iranian Journal, 33, 1, 1990, pp. 37-38. The fact that the Calvinist Dutch envoys refused to take part should not surprise us: it may well have reminded them of popery.
On 13 December 1628, Songtham’s fifteen-year old son succeeded to the throne, taking the name of Phra Chetthathirat. Eight months later, he was murdered on instigation of Chaophraya Suriyawong, who also disposed of Chetthathirat’s younger brother and took the throne. The usurper is known as King Prasat Thong.
Perhaps: พระไอยการแมนพระบาทของ ไนพระบาทสมเด็จบรมบพิตรพระพุทธเจ้ากรุงพระมหาดิลกภพทวารวดีศรีอยุธยา.
Schouten wrote: “Oprha t’sijacraij amathianoucksich’ Pipphit, arattuart Bhaijckhehousa Tsipbedi”; this is part of the official title of the Phrakhlang (ออกพญาศรีธรรมราชอำมาตยานุชิตพิพิทรัตนราชโกษาธิบดี).
The former Phrakhlang was one of the three chief ministers, who were executed because they had voiced the opinion that the previous king’s brother should have succeeded to the throne. See Baker et al., Van Vliet’s Siam, p. 263.
Prathip Phentako, “Phraratchawong boran” [The ancient royal palace], in Boranasathan nai jangwat phranakhon si ayutthaya [Monuments in Ayutthaya Province], Bangkok: Fine Arts Department and James H. W. Thompson Foundation, 2008, Vol. 1, p. 229.
La Loubère, A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, p. 109 and illustration on p. 112.
Kreangkrai Kirdsiri, “Sathapathayakam lae prathimakam khong ayutthaya” [Architecture and sculpture of Ayutthaya]. In Ayutthaya si ramathepnakhon thawarawadi moradok khwam songjam haeng sayam prathet [Ayutthaya... Siam’s legacy of memory], ed. Winai Pongsipian, Bangkok: Thailand Research Fund, 2016, Vol. 2, pp. 299-306.
The wording is the same in the Bradley, Phra Poramanuchit Chinorot and Royal Autograph chronicles. The Phan Janthanumat edition mentions only the Benjarat Mahaprasat.